Monday, November 11, 2013

BLACK CROWN & BLACK ROSE Anarcho-Monarchism & Anarcho-Mysticism

By Hakim Bey


IN SLEEP WE DREAM of only two forms of government--anarchy & monarchy. Primordial root consciousness understands no politics & never plays fair. A democratic dream? a socialist dream? Impossible.
Whether my REMs bring verdical near-prophetic visions or mere Viennese wish-fulfillment, only kings & wild people populate my night. Monads & nomads.

Pallid day (when nothing shines by its own light) slinks & insinuates & suggests that we compromise with a sad & lackluster reality. But in dream we are never ruled except by love or sorcery, which are the skills of chaotes & sultans.
Among a people who cannot create or play, but can only work, artists also know no choice but anarchy & monarchy. Like the dreamer, they must possess & do possess their own perceptions, & for this they must sacrifice the merely social to a "tyrannical Muse." Art dies when treated "fairly." It must enjoy a caveman's wildness or else have its mouth filled with gold by some prince. Bureaucrats & sales personnel poison it, professors chew it up, & philosophers spit it out. Art is a kind of byzantine barbarity fit only for nobles & heathens. If you had known the sweetness of life as a poet in the reign of some venal, corrupt, decadent, ineffective & ridiculous Pasha or Emir, some Qajar shah, some King Farouk, some Queen of Persia, you would know that this is what every anarchist must want. How they loved poems & paintings, those dead luxurious fools, how they absorbed all roses & cool breezes, tulips & lutes! Hate their cruelty & caprice, yes--but at least they were human. The bureaucrats, however, who smear the walls of the mind with odorless filth--so kind, so gemutlich--who pollute the inner air with numbness--they're not even worthy of hate. They scarcely exist outside the bloodless Ideas they serve.
And besides: the dreamer, the artist, the anarchist--do they not share some tinge of cruel caprice with the most outrageous of moghuls? Can genuine life occur without some folly, some excess, some bouts of Heraclitan "strife"? We do not rule--but we cannot & will not be ruled.

In Russia the Narodnik-Anarchists would sometimes forge a ukase or manifesto in the name of the Czar; in it the Autocrat would complain that greedy lords & unfeeling officials had sealed him in his palace & cut him off from his beloved people. He would proclaim the end of serfdom & call on peasants & workers to rise in His Name against the government.
Several times this ploy actually succeeded in sparking revolts. Why? Because the single absolute ruler acts metaphorically as a mirror for the unique and utter absoluteness of the self. Each peasant looked into this glassy legend & beheld his or her own freedom--an illusion, but one that borrowed its magic from the logic of the dream.

A similar myth must have inspired the 17th century Ranters & Antinomians & Fifth Monarchy Men who flocked to the Jacobite standard with its erudite cabals & bloodproud conspiracies. The radical mystics were betrayed first by Cromwell & then by the Restoration--why not, finally, join with flippant cavaliers & foppish counts, with Rosicrucians & Scottish Rite Masons, to place an occult messiah on Albion's throne?

Among a people who cannot conceive human society without a monarch, the desires of radicals may be expressed in monarchical terms. Among a people who cannot conceive human existence without a religion, radical desires may speak the language of heresy.
Taoism rejected the whole of Confucian bureaucracy but retained the image of the Emperor-Sage, who would sit silent on his throne facing a propitious direction, doing absolutely nothing. In Islam the Ismailis took the idea of the Imam of the Prophet's Household & metamorphosed it into the Imam-of- one's-own-being, the perfected self who is beyond all Law & rule, who is atoned with the One. And this doctrine led them into revolt against Islam, to terror & assassination in the name of pure esoteric self-liberation & total realization.

Classical 19th century anarchism defined itself in the struggle against crown & church, & therefore on the waking level it considered itself egalitarian & atheist. This rhetoric however obscures what really happens: the "king" becomes the "anarchist," the "priest" a "heretic." In this strange duet of mutability the politician, the democrat, the socialist, the rational ideologue can find no place; they are deaf to the music & lack all sense of rhythm. Terrorist & monarch are archetypes; these others are mere functionaries.

Once anarch & king clutched each other's throats & waltzed a totentanz--a splendid battle. Now, however, both are relegated to history's trashbin--has-beens, curiosities of a leisurely & more cultivated past. They whirl around so fast that they seem to meld together...can they somehow have become one thing, a Siamese twin, a Janus, a freakish unity? "The sleep of Reason..." ah! most desirable & desirous monsters!

Ontological Anarchy proclaims flatly, bluntly, & almost brainlessly: yes, the two are now one. As a single entity the anarch/king now is reborn; each of us the ruler of our own flesh, our own creations--and as much of everything else as we can grab & hold.
Our actions are justified by fiat & our relations are shaped by treaties with other autarchs. We make the law for our own domains--& the chains of the law have been broken. At present perhaps we survive as mere Pretenders--but even so we may seize a few instants, a few square feet of reality over which to impose our absolute will, our royaume. L'etat, c'est moi.
If we are bound by any ethic or morality it must be one which we ourselves have imagined, fabulously more exalted & more liberating than the "moralic acid" of puritans & humanists. "Ye are as gods"--"Thou art That."
The words monarchism & mysticism are used here in part simply pour epater those egalito-atheist anarchists who react with pious horror to any mention of pomp or superstition-mongering. No champagne revolutions for them!

Our brand of anti-authoritarianism, however, thrives on baroque paradox; it favors states of consciousness, emotion & aesthetics over all petrified ideologies & dogma; it embraces multitudes & relishes contradictions. Ontological Anarchy is a hobgoblin for BIG minds. The translation of the title (& key term) of Max Stirner's magnum opus as The Ego & Its Own has led to a subtle misinterpretation of "individualism." The English-Latin word ego comes freighted & weighed with freudian & protestant baggage. A careful reading of Stirner suggests that The Unique & His Own-ness would better reflect his intentions, given that he never defines the ego in opposition to libido or id, or in opposition to "soul" or "spirit." The Unique (der Einzige) might best be construed simply as the individual self. Stirner commits no metaphysics, yet bestows on the Unique a certain absoluteness. In what way then does this Einzigediffer from the Self of Advaita Vedanta? Tat tvam asi: Thou (individual Self) art That (absolute Self).

Many believe that mysticism "dissolves the ego." Rubbish. Only death does that (or such at least is our Sadducean assumption). Nor does mysticism destroy the "carnal" or "animal" self--which would also amount to suicide. What mysticism really tries to surmount is false consciousness, illusion, Consensus Reality, & all the failures of self that accompany these ills. True mysticism creates a "self at peace," a self with power. The highest task of metaphysics (accomplished for example by Ibn Arabi, Boehme, Ramana Maharshi) is in a sense to self-destruct, to identify metaphysical & physical, transcendent & immanent, as ONE. Certain radical monists have pushed this doctrine far beyond mere pantheism or religious mysticism. An apprehension of the immanent oneness of being inspires certain antinomian heresies (the Ranters, the Assassins) whom we consider our ancestors.
Stirner himself seems deaf to the possible spiritual resonances of Individualism--& in this he belongs to the 19th century: born long after the deliquescence of Christendom, but long before the discovery of the Orient & of the hidden illuminist tradition in Western alchemy, revolutionary heresy & occult activism. Stirner quite correctly despised what he knew as "mysticism," a mere pietistic sentimentality based on self-abnegation & world hatred. Nietzsche nailed down the lid on "God" a few years later. Since then, who has dared to suggest that Individualism & mysticism might be reconciled & synthesized?

The missing ingredient in Stirner (Nietzsche comes closer) is a working concept of nonordinary consciousness. The realization of the unique self (or ubermensch) must reverberate & expand like waves or spirals or music to embrace direct experience or intuitive perception of the uniqueness of reality itself. This realization engulfs & erases all duality, dichotomy, & dialectic. It carries with itself, like an electric charge, an intense & wordless sense of value: it "divinizes" the self.
Being/consciousness/bliss (satchitananda) cannot be dismissed as merely another Stirnerian "spook" or "wheel in the head." It invokes no exclusively transcendent principle for which the Einzige must sacrifice his/her own-ness. It simply states that intense awareness of existence itself results in "bliss"--or in less loaded language, "valuative consciousness." The goal of the Unique after all is to possess everything; the radical monist attains this by identifying self with perception, like the Chinese inkbrush painter who "becomes the bamboo," so that "it paints itself."

Despite mysterious hints Stirner drops about a "union of Unique-ones" & despite Nietzsche's eternal "Yea" & exaltation of life, their Individualism seems somehow shaped by a certain coldness toward the other. In part they cultivated a bracing, cleansing chilliness against the warm suffocation of 19th century sentimentality & altruism; in part they simply despised what someone (Mencken?) called "Homo Boobensis."
And yet, reading behind & beneath the layer of ice, we uncover traces of a fiery doctrine--what Gaston Bachelard might have called "a Poetics of the Other." The Einzige'srelation with the Other cannot be defined or limited by any institution or idea. And yet clearly, however paradoxically, the Unique depends for completeness on the Other, & cannot & will not be realized in any bitter isolation.

The examples of "wolf children" or enfants sauvagessuggest that a human infant deprived of human company for too long will never attain conscious humanity--will never acquire language. The Wild Child perhaps provides a poetic metaphor for the Unique-one--and yet simultaneously marks the precise point where Unique & Other must meet, coalesce, unify--or else fail to attain & possess all of which they are capable.
The Other mirrors the Self--the Other is our witness. The Other completes the Self--the Other gives us the key to the perception of oneness-of-being. When we speak of being & consciousness, we point to the Self; when we speak of bliss we implicate the Other.
The acquisition of language falls under the sign of Eros-- all communication is essentially erotic, all relations are erotic. Avicenna & Dante claimed that love moves the very stars & planets in their courses--the Rg Veda & Hesiod's Theogony both proclaim Love the first god born after Chaos. Affections, affinities, aesthetic perceptions, beautiful creations, conviviality--all the most precious possessions of the Unique-one arise from the conjunction of Self & Other in the constellation of Desire.

Here again the project begun by Individualism can be evolved & revivified by a graft with mysticism--specifically with tantra. As an esoteric technique divorced from orthodox Hinduism, tantra provides a symbolic framework ("Net of Jewels") for the identification of sexual pleasure & non- ordinary consciousness. All antinomian sects have contained some "tantrik" aspect, from the families of Love & Free Brethren & Adamites of Europe to the pederast sufis of Persia to the Taoist alchemists of China. Even classical anarchism has enjoyed its tantrik moments: Fourier's Phalansteries; the "Mystical Anarchism" of G. Ivanov & other fin-de-siÉcle Russian symbolists; the incestuous erotism of Arzibashaev's Sanine; the weird combination of Nihilism & Kali-worship which inspired the Bengali Terrorist Party (to which my tantrik guru Sri Kamanaransan Biswas had the honor of belonging)...

We, however, propose a much deeper syncretism of anarchy & tantra than any of these. In fact, we simply suggest that Individual Anarchism & Radical Monism are to be considered henceforth one and the same movement.
This hybrid has been called "spiritual materialism," a term which burns up all metaphysics in the fire of oneness of spirit & matter. We also like "Ontological Anarchy" because it suggests that being itself remains in a state of "divine Chaos," of all-potentiality, of continual creation.
In this flux only the jiva mukti, or "liberated individual," is self-realized, and thus monarch or owner of his perceptions and relations. In this ceaseless flow only desire offers any principle of order, and thus the only possible society (as Fourier understood) is that of lovers.
Anarchism is dead, long live anarchy! We no longer need the baggage of revolutionary masochism or idealist self- sacrifice--or the frigidity of Individualism with its disdain for conviviality, of living together--or the vulgar superstitions of 19th century atheism, scientism, and progressism. All that dead weight! Frowsy proletarian suitcases, heavy bourgeois steamer-trunks, boring philosophical portmanteaux--over the side with them!

We want from these systems only their vitality, their life- forces, daring, intransigence, anger, heedlessness--their power, their shakti. Before we jettison the rubbish and the carpetbags, we'll rifle the luggage for billfolds, revolvers, jewels, drugs and other useful items--keep what we like and trash the rest. Why not? Are we priests of a cult, to croon over relics and mumble our martyrologies?
Monarchism too has something we want--a grace, an ease, a pride, a superabundance. We'll take these, and dump the woes of authority & torture in history's garbage bin. Mysticism has something we need--"self-overcoming," exalted awareness, reservoirs of psychic potency. These we will expropriate in the name of our insurrection--and leave the woes of morality & religion to rot & decompose.

As the Ranters used to say when greeting any "fellow creature"--from king to cut-purse--"Rejoice! All is ours!"

Wednesday, November 6, 2013

Police suspect anarchists in 60,000-euro post office robbery

The anti-terrorism squad was called in on Friday to investigate an armed robbery in the Peloponnese amid suspicion that self-styled anarchists may have been involved. At least four men are believed to have taken part in the robbery, during which 60,000 euros was stolen. Nobody was hurt in the incident.

from ekathimerini
The anti-terrorism squad was called in on Friday to investigate an armed robbery in the Peloponnese amid suspicion that self-styled anarchists may have been involved.
At least four men are believed to have taken part in the robbery, during which 60,000 euros was stolen. Nobody was hurt in the incident.
Two of the robbers, wearing masks, smashed their way into the post office at Vrachneika in Achaia shortly after a security guard dropped off the cash.
It is believed the men were armed with AK-47 assault rifles and spoke Greek without a foreign accent.
They made off in a stolen Nissan Sunny, which was found burned a short distance from the post office.
A police source told Kathimerini that the robbers’ modus operandi was similar to that used by anarchists in past raids.

Monday, November 4, 2013

Swiss Propose Basic Income Payment

 
By MARK ANDERSON

American Free Press

 A bold, unorthodox Swiss initiative has reached a striking new phase: On Oct. 4, Swiss activists dumped what were described as “8 million” 5-cent coins in the town square outside the parliament in Bern—to symbolize the financial well-being of Switzerland’s 8 million residents.

Those involved in Switzerland’s Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) ballot initiative poured a dump truck full of these shimmering coins onto the pavement to celebrate having surpassed the 100,000-signature requirement to eventually get the UBI on the ballot for Swiss voters to consider in their unique direct-democracy system.
While this initiative had about 40,000 signatures by the fall of 2012, one of Switzerland’s most influential monetary reformers, Francois de Siebenthal, informed this writer Sept. 30, 2013, that 116,000 signatures on petitions calling for a UBI vote had been certified as valid.
According to de Siebenthal, the UBI, if approved, would mean that the Swiss state would directly issue the equivalent of $2,800 US (2,500 Francs) per month — on a per-individual basis, not a per-household basis—to all Swiss citizens and legal residents in what appears to be the first nationwide proposal of its kind in human history.
This concept may strike some as odd—an unlikely libertarian-socialist hybrid, perhaps. As de Siebenthal and others behind the UBI see it, there is a large shortfall between the paltry purchasing power of the average citizen and the relative abundance of goods and services. That abundance is given an extra boost by the efficiency of automation. So, the tight money supply, as the thinking goes, must catch up with production, without people having to work for every cent—a bind which embeds the cost of providing salaries and wages into retail prices. That means that the more income is tied only to labor, the more things will cost.
That paradox creates a vicious cycle. How do we overcome it? Put some spending power into circulation outside the labor racket that becomes a guaranteed income, a societal dividend based on each person’s heritage as a citizen and his or her share in the natural resources of the earth, and in the cumulative wealth wrought by inventions and labor-saving devices.
This basic idea comes from “social credit,” which was brought forth most notably by a Scotsman, Clifford H. Douglas in the early 1900s. The Swiss UBI draws a little of its spirit from this school of thought that is making a comeback, though the Swiss proposal is not pure social credit as conceived.
Maybe human beings were not meant to be draft horses toiling their lives away on a global economic plantation. To improve things, the citizenry could create a commonwealth. As natural stakeholders in their nation’s abundance, there is some logic for them to have a foundational income without a “job” having to be the only means of acquiring purchasing power.
And as de Siebenthal also told this writer, Swiss UBI recipients could supplement that foundational income with standard employment income — mindful, however, that having their basic survival resting on much firmer ground allows them to pursue their life’s passions and the employment of their choice. Moreover, automation is seen as a liberator, not a job-stealer, because a UBI — a social dividend that could reduce or even replace welfare — should be paid to all inhabitants by birthright based on all production, including the automated kind.
Mr. de Siebenthal colorfully added: “We Swiss are all Kings, and the first duty of a King is to control the money creation, actually robbed by the bankers.” One hears echoes of the late Sen. Huey Long, the Louisiana “kingfish” who terrified the aristocracy with notions of commonwealth.
Mr. de Siebenthal explained: “The popular initiative for an unconditional basic income (UBI), which in the view of its supporters should be thought of as a civil right rather than social welfare, was launched in [April] 2012. It aims to have a new clause incorporated into the Swiss constitution that the Confederation ‘shall ensure the introduction of an unconditional basic income. The basic income shall enable the whole population to live in human dignity and participate in public life. The law shall particularly regulate the way in which the basic income is to be financed and the level at which it is set.’”
Put another way, a nation should issue its own public money directly, not borrow it into existence, at punishing interest, from predatory private bankers. That way, purchasing power and consumption can be increased, in approximate balance with production data, to buy what’s for sale and spur more production. That, in turn, creates sufficient jobs but also boosts automated manufacturing. The curse of full stores and empty wallets can, just maybe, be ended.
While the UBI proposal’s signatures were presented to the Swiss chancellery on Oct. 4 and the proposal could take at least two years to appear on the ballot, Switzerland’s voters just might be onto something here. Back in March, they already approved some of the world’s strictest controls on executive pay. And, since there’s more to life than shutdowns and debt ceilings, this latest money initiative deserves close observation.

Saturday, October 5, 2013

Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista Movement: Land, Nationhood, and Autonomy


 This essay is included in the recently released NATIONAL-ANARCHISM: HEROES AND VILLAINS, edited by Troy Southgate and available from Black Front Press.

By Jamie O'Hara and Craig FitzGerald

In order for decentralized autonomy to flourish, independent communities must be internally cohesive. This tribal unity is the essence of nationalism, and indigenous groups have lived in accordance with the principle for millennia. However, people who are products of a globalized corporate state easily misunderstand this organicnationalism and therefore attack it. But this comes from the confusion of nations with states. The distinction between these two entities cannot be emphasized enough. Ward Churchill successfully expresses this difference, and the indigenous perspective within which he contextualizes his point only elucidates things further:



One conflation of terms that...still seems to be plaguing the discourse, is the conflation of the term 'nation' and the term 'state.' ...A lot of anarchists [are] running around thinking they’re anti-nationalist, that nationality, nationalism in all forms, is necessarily some sort of an evil to be combated, when that’s exactly what they’re trying to create. You’ve got four or five thousand nations on the planet; you’ve got two hundred states. They’re using 'anti-nationalist' as a code word for being anti-statist. With indigenous peoples, nationality is an affirmative ideal, and it hasn’t got any similarity at all to state structures”. [1]


Something that has been intuitive for indigenous tribes throughout history is blocked from the consciousness of the rest of the world by schismatic mental constructs that exalt concepts and language over the nuances of practical reality. But not all radicals fall into this camp. Autonomous communities that have been influenced by indigenous methods of social organization are the best examples of sustainable independence. One of the most successful current examples of this is the Zapatista movement in Mexico, which syncretizes indigenous traditions and revolutionary political theory.



Chiapas was an ideal place for the Zapatista movement's birth. The Mayan ethnic groups who live there had for years experienced a de facto autonomy resulting from the government's neglect. [2] They also were self-organized according to their cultural values and customs. In 1983, three mestizos with backgrounds in the Mexican guerrilla group the National Liberation Forces arrived to the region and joined three indigenous people to found the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN in Spanish). One of those mestizos, known as Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos,had a very authoritarian approach to organizing the movement . However, he soon realized the necessity to include the indigenous villages who lived where he and his companeros planned to challenge the Mexican state. [3] Marcos explained to a group of young anarchists that he arrived feeling like the revolutionary vanguard, but later recognized the importance for all individuals to have a voice in the affairs of their homelands. [4] In another interview, Marcos describes this philosophical evolution:



...we learned that you can't impose a form of politics on the people because sooner or later you'll end up doing the same thing you criticized. You criticize a totalitarian system and then you offer another totalitarian system. You can't impose a political system by force. Before, they said 'let's get rid of this system of government and put in this other kind of system.' We say, 'no, the political system can't be the product of war.' The war should only be to open up space in the political arena so that the people can really have a choice. It doesn't matter who wins, it doesn't matter if it's the extreme right or the extreme left, as long as they earn the confidence of the people. [5]



Marcos learned that the methods of social organization used in these indigenous communities, including a horizontal decision making process, are ancient elements of Mayan culture. [6] By harmonizing his goals and methods with the local values and customs, Marcos evolved out of his totalitarian leftist dogmatism and deepened his understanding of the relationship between land, culture, nationhood and self-determination.



Since the Zapatista uprising in January 1994, [7] Subcomandante Marcos has been the subject of a disproportionate amount of media attention. To a certain degree, this makes sense—he is the group's spokesperson, and he possesses several traits (including a university education and eloquent language skills) that make him the ideal public relations representative. But at the same time, media outlets in Mexico and abroad were infatuated with Marcos and tended to neglect the majority of EZLN soldiers, the “humble and simple” [8] indigenous men and women who made the movement possible. Despite becoming somewhat of a celebrity, Marcos has consistently rejected a position of unilateral leadership. [9]



One example of this rejection is the Subcomandante's voluntary submission to the military hierarchy of the CCRI-CG (Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee – General Command). Similarly, in the EZLN's unarmed counterpart, the Other Campaign, [10] Marcos' title is “Delegate (or subdelegate) Zero.” The name, which was introduced in the context of Mexico's 2006 presidential election, accomplishes several things: it satirizes the candidates in the country's spotlight at the time, it communicates a sense of transcending political party conflicts, and it implies Marcos' own relative insignificance. This humility is not often seen in such influential political personas. It is important from an anarchist perspective because it demonstrates that leadership can be a fluid entity, and is not necessarily a question of absolute power. Rather than being inherently oppressive, true leadership is merely a manifestation of voluntary association. In an anarchist context, people can make a conscious decision to “follow” or support a certain individual for a particular purpose. Conversely, the “leader” also consciously chooses whether or not to assume responsibility and accountability to these supporters. Each side of the relationship is sovereign and can opt out of the situation altogether for any reason. This is the kind of leadership taken on by Marcos. The Zapatistas proclaim that they “command by obeying.”



Such reciprocal relationships among co-creators of communities (including within voluntary hierarchies like the EZLN) are a reflection of Mayan culture and spiritual worldview. This correspondence of political necessities and religious values also explains why land is so important from an indigenous perspective. “Tierra y Libertad!” was the slogan of the original Zapatista movement, and it continues to be a core value of the neo-Zapatistas. For indigenous people in Mexico and all over the world, land is more than a practical necessity. It is not merely the source of one's tangible livelihood; it is also the source of one's spiritual connection to the universe as a whole. Self-sufficiency that utilizes natural resources in harmony with the larger ecosystem is part of the process of fulfilling the destiny of humanity. Being indigenous or native to a particular piece of land adds a dimension of meaning to one's relationship with the earth and highlights the importance of local self-determination. People contribute to the symbiotic nature of the environment by playing unique, crucial roles in microcosmic bioregions. As Neyra P. Alvarado Solis explains in “Land and Indigenous Cosmovision,”



In Mexico today, there are officially fifty-six ethnic groups; within these can be found a linguistic and cultural variety which far exceeds that number. The cosmovision of each group expresses a regional and communal reality, elaborated through history. These are agrarian cultures where land is life, sustained by relationships with supernatural forces and nurtured in communal and familial rituals... [11]



Ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity are intrinsically connected to biological and natural diversity. There is value in the preservation of each life form, but there is also value in syncretism and diffusion, which are equally natural aspects of existence. Despite the fact that people inhabit different geographical areas with different flora, fauna, topography and aquatic systems, everyone has the same interdependent relationship with the earth, which we all need for survival. Consistent with Mayan religious symbol and myth, the Zapatistas use agrarian metaphors to describe their vision of conducting politics. In his closing speech to the National Indigenous Forum on January 9, 1996, Marcos says:



Brothers and sisters:

Each one has his own field, his own planting, but we all have the same village, although sometimes we speak different languages and wear different clothes. We invite each of you to plant your own plot and in your own way. We invite you to make of this forum a good tiller and make sure that everyone has seed and that the earth be well prepared. [12]



These words illustrate the cooperative relationship between diverse individual localities and the wider reality of the one earth we share. Such a relationship is not one of homogeneity or universalism, but complementarity in the sense that the infinite forms of matter in the universe co-create our experience. Zapatista identity extends outwardly into the macrocosm; their organization of “Intergalactic” activist meetings reflects this character.



For the Zapatista movement today (like that of the nineteenth century), nationhood is a flexible and layered concept. One's identification with the nation of Mexico does not preclude one's identification as indigenous, Maya, Chiapaneca, Tzotzil, female, elderly, and so on to the most microcosmic levels. In fact, these multiple nations are understood to constitute the essence of an autonomous world. As a result of this view, the rights of ethnic self-determination and cultural preservation are defended. Everyone is welcome, but the caracoles [13] do not have open door policies. Visitors must acquiesce to required application processes or have existing connections to individuals or groups with “Zapatista passports.” [14] This is an obvious necessity for security; the EZLN and the Other Campaign are aggressively targeted by the Mexican government and military.



According to Marcos, the Zapatistas believe that “Mexico should reconstruct the concept of nation.” [15] Despite the predominantly indigenous makeup of the Zapatista movement, and despite the EZLN's opposition to the Mexican state, the national identity of the Zapatistas as Mexican is upheld. This is criticized by many radicals, whose dogma makes it confusing to them. Why do the Zapatistas fly the Mexican flag above the black and red? Why do they employ constitutional arguments? Why are they willing to dialogue with the government? Why do they make national-chauvinistic comments like, “in no way will the EZLN's Sixth Committee accept any persons on their security team who are of any nationality other than Mexican”? [16] The answer is because, once again, the Zapatista conception of nationhood is a fluid one. It is malleable in the hands of each individual. Engaging a diversity of tactics in the struggle against such a pervasive oppression is not only pragmatic, but it indicates that the refusal to be limited by ideological schisms is the future of a decentralized, autonomous liberation movement.



Despite some anarchist and socialist nitpicking, [17] the Zapatistas have had great appeal because of their very defiance of political and ideological boxes. Scholars have remarked on this quality, [18] but Marcos himself captures the dynamic best by admitting guilt to a slew of charges from every possible angle. It is worth quoting at length:



The whites accuse him of being dark. Guilty.

The dark ones accuse him of being white. Guilty.

The authentic accuse him of being indigenous. Guilty.

The treasonous indigenous accuse him of being mestizo. Guilty.

The machos accuse him of being feminine. Guilty.

The feminists accuse him of being macho. Guilty.

The communists accuse him of being anarchist. Guilty.

The anarchists accuse him of being orthodox. Guilty.

The Anglos accuse him of being Chicano. Guilty.

The anti-Semites accuse him of being pro-Jews. Guilty.

The Jews accuse him of being pro-Arab. Guilty.

The Europeans accuse him of being Asiatic. Guilty.

The government officials accuse him of being an oppositionist. Guilty.

The reformists accuse him of being an extremist, a radical. Guilty.

The radicals accuse him of being reformist. Guilty.

The “historical vanguard” accuses him of appealing to the civic society and not to the proletariat. Guilty.

The civic society accuses him of disturbing their tranquility. Guilty.

The Stock Exchange accuses him of ruining their breakfast. Guilty.

The government accuses him of increasing the consumption of antacids by government agencies. Guilty.

The serious ones accuse him of being a jokester. Guilty.

The adults accuse him of being a child. Guilty.

The children accuse him of being an adult. Guilty.

The orthodox leftists accuse him of not condemning the homosexuals and lesbians. Guilty.

The theoreticians accuse him of being a practitioner. Guilty.

The practitioners accuse him of being a theorist. Guilty.

Everyone accuses him of everything bad that has happened. Guilty. [19]



This sentiment conveys a transcendence of dogma that is necessary for modern times. It also communicates a kind of lightheartedness that would benefit the radical political milieu. These accusations, as “true” as they all may be, cannot be taken too seriously. When people who believe in freedom and autonomy cease to argue with one another, they will have time to actually accomplish important things in their communities. It is important to be conscious of how we communicate and interact because the dynamic among diverse activists and tribes foreshadows the future without the state. This does not mean that everyone has to agree. The Zapatista vision encourages an endless range of different autonomies. The idea is to create “a world in which many worlds fit.” [20]









References



  1. Churchill, Ward. Upping the Anti, No. 1.
  2. Mattiace, Shannan L. “Mayan Utopias: Rethinking the State,” 188.
  3. Higgins, Nicholas. “The Zapatista Uprising and the Poetics of Cultural Resistance.”
  4. Weinberg, Bill. Homage to Chiapas, 197.
  5. Subcomandante Marcos. Interview with Medea Benjamin, 61.
  6. Subcomandante Marcos. “A Storm and a Prophecy: Chiapas: The Southeast in Two Winds,” 33. Aubry, Andres. “Autonomy in the San Andres Accords: Expression and Fulfillment of a New Federal Pact,” 225.
  7. At midnight on New Years Day, the EZLN released the First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, in which they expressed their reasons for declaring war on the Mexican state. The EZLN seized several Chiapas locations, destroying military structures and liberating prisoners in San Cristobal de las Casas. Many books and articles have detailed these events, and Zapatista communiques were consistently issued. The First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle is a good place to start.
  8. EZLN. Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.
  9. Marcos has never appeared in public without wearing his mask. He explains that the mask is like a mirror. All individuals can look at his face and see themselves.
  10. The EZLN is the miltary wing of the Zapatista movement. The Other Campaign, created in 2006, is a strictly civilian-oriented project aimed at facilitating autonomy for many different groups.
  11. Alvarado Solis, Neyra P. “Land and Indigenous Cosmovision,” 127-8.
  12. Subcomandante Marcos. Closing Words to the National Indigenous Forum (1996), 93.
  13. Caracol, the Spanish word for snail shell, is a term the Zapatistas adopted to refer to their autonomous communities.
  14. Aubry, Andres. “Autonomy in the San Andres Accords: Expression and Fulfillment of a New Federal Pact,” 229.
  15. Subcomandante Marcos. “La entrevista insólita.” Proceso.
  16. Subcomandante Marcos. “Subdelegado Zero on Security Issues.”
  17. The EZLN is not Anarchist: Or Struggles at the Margins and Revolutionary Solidarity.” Willful Disobedience.
  18. Churchill, Ward. “A North American Indigenist View,” 154.
  19. Subcomandante Marcos. “The Retreat is Making Us Almost Scratch the Sky,” 231.
  20. EZLN. Fourth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.





Works Cited



Alvarado Solis, Neyra P. “Land and Indigenous Cosmovision.” First World, Ha Ha Ha! The Zapatista Challenge. Katzenberger, Elaine, ed. San Francisco: City Lights, 1995.



Aubry, Andres. “Autonomy in the San Andres Accords: Expression and Fulfillment of a New Federal Pact.” Jan Rus, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, and Shannan L. Mattiace, eds. Mayan Lives, Mayan Utopias: The Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas and the Zapatista Rebellion. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.



Burguete Cal y Mayor, Araceli. “The de Facto Autonomous Process: New Jurisdictions and Parallel Governments in Rebellion.” Jan Rus, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, and Shannan L. Mattiace, eds. Mayan Lives, Mayan Utopias: The Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas and the Zapatista Rebellion.Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.



Churchill, Ward. “A North American Indigenist View.” First World, Ha Ha Ha! The Zapatista Challenge. Katzenberger, Elaine, ed. San Francisco: City Lights, 1995.



Churchill, Ward. “Indigenism, Anarchism, and the State: An Interview with Ward Churchill.” By Tom Keefer and Jerome Klassen. Upping the Anti, No. 1. http://uppingtheanti.org/journal/article/01-indigenism-anarchism-and-the-state/.



EZLN. First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. January 1994.




EZLN. Fourth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. January 1996.




EZLN. Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. June 2005.




Higgins, Nicholas. “The Zapatista Uprising and the Poetics of Cultural Resistance.” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political. Vol. 25, Issue 3, Jul-Sep 2000.



Mattiace, Shannan L. “Mayan Utopias: Rethinking the State.” Jan Rus, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, and Shannan L. Mattiace, eds. Mayan Lives, Mayan Utopias: The Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas and the Zapatista Rebellion.Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.



Subcomandante Marcos. Closing Words to the National Indigenous Forum. (1996) Our Word is Our Weapon: Selected Writings of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Ponce de Leon, Juana, ed. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001.



Subcomandante Marcos. Conversations with Durito: Stories of the Zapatistas and Neoliberalism. Brooklyn: Autonomedia, 2005.



Subcomandante Marcos. “La entrevista insólita.” Proceso. 10 March, 2001. http://palabra.ezln.org.mx/comunicados/2001/2001_03_10_b.htm.



Subcomandante Marcos. “The Retreat is Making Us Almost Scratch the Sky.” (1995) Our Word is Our Weapon: Selected Writings of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Ponce de Leon, Juana, ed. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001.



Subcomandante Marcos. “Subdelegado Zero on Security Issues.” December 26, 2005. http://zaptranslations.blogspot.com/2005/12/subdelegado-zero-on-security-issues.html.



Weinberg, Bill. Homage to Chiapas: The New Indigenous Struggles in Mexico. New York: Verso, 2000.



Willful Disobedience, Vol. 2, No. 7. “The EZLN is not Anarchist: Or Struggles at the Margins and Revolutionary Solidarity.” 2001. http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/various-authors-willful-disobedience-volume-2-number-7#toc3.





Leopold Kohr: The fist anarcho-pluralist/pan-secessionist?

from ATS
By Paul Kingsnorth

krauze
Illustration by Andrzej Krauze

Living through a collapse is a curious experience. Perhaps the most curious part is that nobody wants to admit it’s a collapse. The results of half a century of debt-fuelled “growth” are becoming impossible to convincingly deny, but even as economies and certainties crumble, our appointed leaders bravely hold the line. No one wants to be the first to say the dam is cracked beyond repair.

To listen to a political leader at this moment in history is like sitting through a sermon by a priest who has lost his faith but is desperately trying not to admit it, even to himself. Watch Nick Clegg, David Cameron or Ed Miliband mouthing tough-guy platitudes to the party faithful. Listen to Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy or George Papandreou pretending that all will be well in the eurozone. Study the expressions on the faces of Barack Obama or Ben Bernanke talking about “growth” as if it were a heathen god to be appeased by tipping another cauldron’s worth of fictional money into the mouth of a volcano.
In times like these, people look elsewhere for answers. A time of crisis is also a time of opening-up, when thinking that was consigned to the fringes moves to centre stage. When things fall apart, the appetite for new ways of seeing is palpable, and there are always plenty of people willing to feed it by coming forward with their pet big ideas.
But here’s a thought: what if big ideas are part of the problem? What if, in fact, the problem is bigness itself?
The crisis currently playing out on the world stage is a crisis of growth. Not, as we are regularly told, a crisis caused by too little growth, but by too much of it. Banks grew so big that their collapse would have brought down the entire global economy. To prevent this, they were bailed out with huge tranches of public money, which in turn is precipitating social crises on the streets of western nations. The European Union has grown so big, and so unaccountable, that it threatens to collapse in on itself. Corporations have grown so big that they are overwhelming democracies and building a global plutocracy to serve their own interests. The human economy as a whole has grown so big that it has been able to change the atmospheric composition of the planet and precipitate a mass extinction event.
One man who would not have been surprised by this crisis of bigness, had he lived to see it, was Leopold Kohr. Kohr has a good claim to be the most important political thinker that you have never heard of. Unlike Marx, he did not found a global movement or inspire revolutions. Unlike Hayek, he did not rewrite the economic rules of the modern world. Kohr was a modest, self-deprecating man, but this was not the reason his ideas have been ignored by movers and shakers in the half century since they were produced. They have been ignored because they do not flatter the egos of the power-hungry, be they revolutionaries or plutocrats. In fact, Kohr’s message is a direct challenge to them. “Wherever something is wrong,” he insisted, “something is too big.”
Kohr was born in 1909 in the small Austrian town of Oberndorf. This smalltown childhood, together with his critical study of economics and political theory at the LSE, his experience of anarchist city states during the Spanish civil war, which he covered as a war reporter, and the fact that he was forced to flee Austria after the Nazi invasion (Kohr was Jewish), contributed to his growing suspicion of power and its abuses.
Settling in the US, Kohr began to write the book that would define his thinking. Published in 1957, The Breakdown of Nations laid out what at the time was a radical case: that small states, small nations and small economies are more peaceful, more prosperous and more creative than great powers or superstates. It was a claim that was as unfashionable as it was possible to make. This was the dawn of the space age – a time of high confidence in the progressive, gigantist, technology-fuelled destiny of humankind. Feted political thinkers were talking in all seriousness of creating a world government as the next step towards uniting humanity. Kohr was seriously at odds with the prevailing mood. He later commented, dryly, that his critics “dismissed my ideas by referring to me as a poet”.
Kohr’s claim was that society’s problems were not caused by particular forms of social or economic organisation, but by their size. Socialism, anarchism, capitalism, democracy, monarchy – all could work well on what he called “the human scale”: a scale at which people could play a part in the systems that governed their lives. But once scaled up to the level of modern states, all systems became oppressors. Changing the system, or the ideology that it claimed inspiration from, would not prevent that oppression – as any number of revolutions have shown – because “the problem is not the thing that is big, but bigness itself”.
Drawing from history, Kohr demonstrated that when people have too much power, under any system or none, they abuse it. The task, therefore, was to limit the amount of power that any individual, organisation or government could get its hands on. The solution to the world’s problems was not more unity but more division. The world should be broken up into small states, roughly equivalent in size and power, which would be able to limit the growth and thus domination of any one unit. Small states and small economies were more flexible, more able to weather economic storms, less capable of waging serious wars, and more accountable to their people. Not only that, but they were more creative. On a whistlestop tour of medieval and early modern Europe, The Breakdown of Nations does a brilliant job of persuading the reader that many of the glories of western culture, from cathedrals to great art to scientific innovations, were the product of small states.
To understand the sparky, prophetic power of Kohr’s vision, you need to read The Breakdown of Nations. Some if it will create shivers of recognition. Bigness, predicted Kohr, could only lead to more bigness, for “whatever outgrows certain limits begins to suffer from the irrepressible problem of unmanageable proportions”. Beyond those limits it was forced to accumulate more power in order to manage the power it already had. Growth would become cancerous and unstoppable, until there was only one possible endpoint: collapse.
We have now reached the point that Kohr warned about over half a century ago: the point where “instead of growth serving life, life must now serve growth, perverting the very purpose of existence”. Kohr’s “crisis of bigness” is upon us and, true to form, we are scrabbling to tackle it with more of the same: closer fiscal unions, tighter global governance, geoengineering schemes, more economic growth. Big, it seems, is as beautiful as ever to those who have the unenviable task of keeping the growth machine going.
This shouldn’t surprise us. It didn’t surprise Kohr, who, unlike some of his utopian critics, never confused a desire for radical change with the likelihood of it actually happening. Instead, his downbeat but refreshingly honest conclusion was that, like a dying star, the gigantist global system would in the end fall in on itself, and the whole cycle of growth would begin all over again. But before it did so, “between the intellectual ice ages of great-power domination”, the world would become “little and free once more”.